Data Loading...
The Historian 2015
159 Downloads
2.73 MB
Twitter Facebook LinkedIn Copy link
RECOMMEND FLIP-BOOKS
The Historian Anniversaries in 2015
Founder’s Day 2015
Contents.
Editorial…………………………………………………………………… p.2
1066 and All That Jonathan Wolstenholme…………………………………………………… p.4
2100 th Anniversary of the birth of Sallust: the Great Historiographer. Ed Olsen…………………………………………………………………… p.7
800 th Anniversary of the Magna Carta: Should it be so highly esteemed? Barnaby Cullen…………………………………………………………… p.11
200 th Anniversary of the Battle of Waterloo. Tom Gardner……………………………………………………………… p.15
70 th Anniversary of the end of the Second World War: Why is it commemorated? Rollo Collins……………………………………………………………….. p.22
50 th Anniversary of Sir Winston Churchill’s death. Tohid Ismail………………………………………………………………. p.26
50 th Anniversary of Selma, 1965: Defining Democracy. Marcus K ö ttering…………………………………………………………. p.29
1
Anniversaries in 2015
Editorial
This edition of The Historian explores the plethora of anniversaries
commemorated this year, and probes the question: why do we still remember
them? Jonathan Wolstenholme begins with a lighthearted look at the infamous,
misspelt work “1066 and All That”, published for the first time 85 years ago. Ed Olsen delves into the life of the ancient historiographer Sallust, in the 2100 th year
since his birth. Barnaby Cullen examines the significance of Magna Carta, and
asks whether it should be so highly esteemed, looking at its impact at the time
and not just its legacy. Tom Gardner , in conjunction with his trip to the battlefield of Waterloo on 20 th June to participate in the 200 th Anniversary
commemorations, examines the famous battle in detail and gives his own
personal reflections on its significance. Rollo Collins , who also travelled to
Waterloo last week end, writes about another interest of his: the end of Second
World War, 70 years ago. Investigating the impact of Allied victory in 1945,
Rollo makes a case for why it ought to be commemorated for years to come.
Tohid Ismail analyses the life and post-war career of Sir Winston Churchill, who
2
died 50 years ago. Finally, Marcus Köttering explains the momentous events
that took place in Selma, Alabama, under Martin Luther King Jr.’s stewardship
of an important campaign in the USA’s Civil Rights Movement.
2015 has not only been a year for the History Society to reflect upon important
anniversaries, it has also seen several distinguished speakers visit the College.
The Society’s first visit came from Dunstan Rodrigues, OA , an undergraduate
at Peterhouse, Cambridge, where he is studying History in his final year. He
delivered a fascinating talk on intellectual thought during the French Revolution,
which had the boys enthralled. Next, a Fellow at Peterhouse, Scott Mandelbrote ,
visited the Wodehouse Library to study the Fellows’ Library collection held
upstairs. He later presented his findings to the boys, showing a selection of texts that shed light on religious tensions in 17 th Century England. Boys were
captivated by this glimpse into an academic historian’s world and many will
hopefully be inspired to explore our wonderful archives for themselves in future.
Nicholas Wapshott was next, talking on his latest book “The Sphinx”, which
explores how President Roosevelt outfoxed his opponents on the road to the
Second World War. Dr. Matthew Seligmann visited from Brunel University and
thrilled the boys with his explanation of the dynamics of the Anglo-German naval
race. Finally, the Society was
privileged to welcome Dominic
Sandbrook , who spoke about his
personal selection of 10 events that
shaped post-war Britain.
A memorable year indeed.
Scott Mandelbrote presenting his chosen
Miss V Trevelyan.
texts from the Fellows’ Library.
3
Anniversaries in 2015: 1066 and All That.
Jonathan Wolstenholme
You may be thinking, as you read this title, ‘what’s he on about? Why would anyone write an article about the 949 th anniversary of the Battle of Hastings?
That's not a real anniversary!!’. Well you’d be right to do so.
Of course, the real anniversary is the 85 th Anniversary of the publication of
the book by that same title. W C Sellar
and R J Yeatman published their
unique, timeless classic in 1930, and it
has remained loved ever since. The
title page reads ‘1066 and All That: A
Memorable History of England,
comprising all the parts you can
remember, including 103 Good
Things, 5 Bad Kings and 2 Genuine
Dates’. These two dates include the
title date itself, 1066, which was the
year of ‘ The Battle of Hastings, and
was when William I (1066) conquered
England at the Battle of Senelac ( Ten
Sixty-six)’. We are told that ‘The Norman Conquest was a Good Thing, as from Peter Svinhufvud
this time onwards England stopped being conquered and thus was able to become
top nation.’ This is one of the many examples in the book of the authors’ poking
fun at the previously prevalent Whig view of history, which presents the past as
an inevitable progression towards even greater liberty and enlightenment.
4
The only other real date in history is apparently 55 BC (2069 years ago, ‘owing
to the peculiar Roman method of counting’ which omits a year 0), ‘in which year
Julius Ceasar (the memorable Roman Emperor) landed, like all other successful
invaders of these islands, at Thanet’. This date too is not an anniversary generally
considered worth celebrating, but the book does also cover events whose
anniversaries are indeed celebrated in 2015. On the subject of the Magna Carter of 15 th June 1215 (which of course is not a ‘genuine’ date, owing to not being
sufficiently memorable) on this we are told:
There also happened in this reign the memorable Charta, known as Magna Charter in account of the Latin Magna (great) and Charter (a Charter); this was the first of the famous Chartas and Gartas of the Realm and was invented by the Barons on a desert island in the Thames called Ganymede. By congregating there, armed to the teeth, the Barons compelled John to sign the Magna Charter, which said:
1. That no one was to be put to death, save for some reason – (except the Common People).
2. That everyone should be free – (except the Common People).
3. That everyone should be of the same weight and measure throughout the Realm – (except the Common People).
4. That the Courts should be stationary, instead of following a very tiresome medieval official known as the King’s Person all over the country.
5. That ‘no person should be fined to his utter ruin’ – (except the King’s Person).
6. That the Barons should not be tried except by a special jury of other Barons who would understand
Magna Charter was therefore the chief cause of Democracy in England, and thus a Good Thing for everyone (except the Common People).
5
Another major event whose anniversary is celebrated this year is the Battle of
Waterloo:
After losing this war (the ‘Gorilla War in Spain’) Napoleon was
sent away by the French, since he had not succeeded in making
them top nation; but he soon escaped and returned just in time to
fight on the French side at the battle of Waterloo. This utterly
memorable battle was fought at the end of a dance, on the Playing
Fields of Eton, and resulted in the English definitely becoming top
nation. It was thus a very Good a Thing. During the engagement
the French came on in their usual creeping and crawling method
and were defeated by Wellington’s memorable order, ‘Up Jenkins
and Smashems’.
This timed Napoleon was sent right away for ever by everybody,
and stood on the deck of a ship in white breeches with his arms
like that.
I hope that, if nothing else, I have inspired you to read this magnificent (and very
slim) volume, and that in doing so you may learn nothing more about history
whatsoever, and in doing so laugh very hard. And in this year of important
anniversaries, remember that it doesn't really matter when something happened,
as long as you remember it.
6
2100 th Anniversary of the birth of the Great Historiographer: Sallust
By Ed Olsen
Gaius Sallustius Crispus was born in 86BC in the traditional Sabine settlement of
Amiternum in Central Italy to a local aristocratic family. His early career is
undocumented but it has been
suggested that he engaged in
some form of military service
between 70-60BC in the Eastern
Empire, before entering into the
Roman political arena. As there
is no evidence to suggest that
any of Sallust’s family had
undertaken political office, it is
likely that he was a ‘novus
homo’ or new man and therefore
the first of his family to be
appointed as senator, a factor
that influenced his political
views and, by extension, his
later historical writing.
The first major political incident involving Sallust occurred in 53BC when
Peter Svinhufvud
Clodius Pulcher, one of the candidates for the role of praetor (the second most
senior position in Roman society at this time behind consul), was killed by a mob
led by the consul candidate Titus Annius Milo. When the trial commenced,
Sallust was amongst a number of other tribunes who attacked Milo’s
representative, the great orator and his fellow ‘novus homo’ Marcus Tullius
Cicero. Although Sallust’s involvement did not have a major effect on the
7
successful prosecution, this incident contributed to a year of political turmoil that
would prove to be a major theme in his literary work.
After being expelled from the
senate by Marcus Appius Pulcher,
the ‘censor’ in charge of public
morality, for alleged immorality
in 50BC, Sallust sought help from
Gaius Julius Caesar who
reinstated him the following year.
As a result of this he was
appointed as a commander of a
legion in the Roman Civil War
between Caesar and Pompey
between 49-45BC, where he
made a largely unsuccessful impact in quelling mutinous troops in 47BC and
fighting in Caesar’s African campaign. Despite a lack of obvious success Sallust
was appointed as the first governor of the new territory of Africa Nova (modern
day Algeria), a role he would keep until late 45BC.
Disaster awaited him upon his return to Rome as claims were made that he had
personally profited from his time as governor of Africa Novo through extortion
and it required the personal intervention of Caesar to prevent any form of legal
action against him. This new wealth was the source of funding for the lavish ‘horti
Sallustiani’ (Sallustian gardens) in northwestern Rome that would eventually
become imperial property. Sallust retired shortly after his return to the capital; he
later claimed that this was a personal choice but it has also been suggested that
he was forced into this position by losing the support of Caesar or possibly due
to the latter’s assassination in 44BC.
8
It is as a historian that Sallust’s reputation has survived and his works ‘Bellum
Catiline’ (the war of Catilinae) and ‘Bellum Iugurthinum’ (the Jugurthinian war)
have survived in their entirety with fragments of his larger ‘historiae’ (histories)
also remaining intact. Stylistically he marked a direct contrast to the work of his
rival Cicero as he intentionally
used a variety of archaic words and
unusual forms as opposed to
conversational Latin. His main
inspiration was the Greek historian
Thucydides and his writing was
similar to that of the Athenian in
terms of his stylistic brevity and
his impartiality. The main aspect
of his histories that was unusual
was the format as he wrote in
monographs instead of the
traditional
linear
histories,
allowing him to explore large
themes through close and detailed
The Bellum Iugurthinum
examination of smaller events.
Sallust’s historical work was based on politics and political morality. In ‘Bellum
Catilinae’ (42-43BC) he explored the roots of corruption in Roman politics
through the example of the patrician Catiline who had attempted to elevate
himself into a position of power in 63BC using the support of those in the upper
classes who would benefit financially or politically from his command. This is
presented as a great disaster for the Roman Republic and Sallust indicates that
Caesar and the politician and poet Cato the Elder were responsible for the victory
9
over Catiline through their oratory without any mention of Cicero who had
assumed a major role in the resolution of this crisis in his role as consul. The
overall conclusion that was presented from this work was that the failure of the
Roman Republic was due to the effect of opposition parties within the senate
acting against each other. In ‘Bellum Iugurthinum’ (41-40BC) the rivalry
between factions is explored at the time of the war against the Numidian King
Jugurtha. Sallust introduced the theme of animosity between the Senate and the
common people in his work, blaming the powerful elite in power at the start of
the war for initial failures and then presenting the rise of the ‘novum homo’ Gaius
Marius as a victory for the people against the political elite but an action that
caused conflict and disaster for the city.
Sallust’s legacy is undoubtedly longstanding and his work has influenced history
by providing inspiration for other academics. In terms of antiquity, criticism by
commentators such as the biographer Livy has been outweighed by praise from
important classical scholars like the great historian Tacitus, the rhetorician
Quintilian and the poet Martial who referred to him in his ‘Epigrams’ as “the
prince of Roman historiographers”. Sallust also remained popular in later times,
especially in the Middle Ages, and was praised by figures such as Thomas More
and Friedrich Nietzsche with the latter attributing his style in his book ‘Twilight
of the Idols’ to the Roman historian.
10
What exactly was the 1215 Magna Carta? Should it be so highly esteemed?
Barnaby Cullen
2015 is the 800 th anniversary of the Magna Carta, which was, contrary to popular myth, sealed not signed, by King John at Runnymede on 15 th June 1215. In
response to this momentous anniversary, there have been a plethora of various
activities arranged throughout the year in England, from the exhibition at the
British Library, in which the four existing copies of the manuscript were brought
together, to the unveiling of an embroidered representation of the charter, to the
minting of a commemorative £2 coin, among many others. It has been praised as
the Foundation of Liberty, and has achieved iconic status as a symbol of
democracy and the freedom and rights of the individual. However, the story
behind the Magna Carta is more complicated and less heroic than is often
imagined. Should it still be remembered as fondly?
The 1215 Magna Carta
11
King John is not remembered as one of the
worst monarchs in England’s history for
nothing. Nicknamed ‘Softsword’ and
‘Lackland’, he lost most of the Angevin
territories in France to the Capetian King
Philip II, otherwise known as Philip
Augustus, and disastrously alienated
baronial support through a mixture of
harsh taxation and the exhibition of his
immorality – not an appealing quality to
the barons, who would have preferred to
owe feudal services to a man who might at
least appear to have been appointed by
God. Following John’s disastrous defeat
King John
at Bouvines in 1214, and the campaign’s
failure to retake Normandy, the coffers were empty, and the barons had had
enough of John. Baronial resentment culminated in a rebellion against John in
1215, and they soon captured London. With the loss of his capital, John was
forced to the negotiating table at Runnymede. The resultant charter is perhaps
the most well-known version of the document, but it in fact had the least impact.
The 1215 Magna Carta was in many senses an extremely radical document, acting
to preserve the rights of free men from arbitrary abuse of power, including that
justice should not be obstructed for any free man, and limitations should be put
on feudal payments to the Crown. However, the most radical clause was that
which set up a council of twenty-five barons, who could resort to force in order
to pacify John if ever he disobeyed the laws of the charter. However, this
document was declared null and void within a number of months, as John
appealed to Pope Innocent III, and firmly repudiated the document, as he was
under duress when he signed it.
12
The practical effects of the Magna Carta
would only come later, in the reign of John’s
son Henry III. In 1216, precariously facing
opposition from both the rebel barons and
Philip Augustus’ son Prince Louis, Henry
III’s government, in an attempt to win over
the barons, issued another version of the
Magna Carta, which, although it maintained
the general message of the previous
incarnation, had removed the radical clause
setting up the council of barons. It was
reissued again in 1217, with some additional
clauses to protect the barons’ rights, and to
reduce somewhat the King’s ability to levy
taxes. The Magna Carta was reissued once
The 1225 Magna Carta
more in 1225, in return for baronial consent
to taxation for the fight against Louis, now
King Louis VIII, which, by including explicit statements that it was of the King’s
own free will, also eliminated the objection that since the King had been forced
to consent to the document; he need not abide by it. It was not until 1297 under
Edward I that the version remaining in statute today was issued, essentially a
reissuing of the 1225 charter, in return for a new tax.
As is apparent, the 1215 Magna Carta, which is glorified by so many, whilst
potent in the ideas it espoused, was a failure in practice, and it was not until the
reigns of Henry III and Edward I that it would have any lasting influence. Nor
was the charter an outstanding triumph of the values of liberty and democracy,
but rather was a watered-down version, issued only because the English King
wished to raise taxation, or placate the barons. Nonetheless, the Magna Carta
13
remains one of the most celebrated documents in English history, and is
considered the origin of the rule of law in England and the uncodified constitution
of the United Kingdom. However, strangely enough, it is in America that the
Magna Carta is esteemed most highly. The US Constitution and Bill of Rights
owes much to the Magna Carta, and it was considered an antecedent to the values
of freedom and liberty that the American colonists espoused. In fact, the Magna
Carta Memorial at Runnymede was
erected in 1957 by the American
Bar Association, and an original
copy was borrowed in 1976 by the
Americans for use in their
bicentenary. The reason for this
exaltation is that it the Magna Carta
is thought of in the United States as
the foundation of justice and law in
England, and by extension America
The memorial at Runnymede
also.
Thus, the 1215 Magna Carta, despite being in practice a failure, has nevertheless
had a long-lasting effect on English constitutional history, through the reissues later in the 13 th Century, and has a particular resonance in America, due to its
association with justice and democracy. Regardless of misinterpretations of it,
and its practical failures, the principles espoused in the document still have a powerful legacy today, and its 800 th Anniversary is doubtlessly a worthy
commemoration.
14
Commemorating the 200 th Anniversary of the Battle of Waterloo: 18 th
June, 1815.
Tom Gardner
“What pen can describe the scene? Horses’ hooves sinking in men’s breasts, breaking bones
and pressing out their bowels. Riders’ swords streaming in blood, waving over their heads and
descending in deadly vengeance…It was a scene of vehement destruction, yells and shrieks,
wounds and death; and the bodies of the dead served as pillows for the dying”.
The words of Sergeant Anton of the 42 nd describing the charge of the Scots Greys .
The famous charge of the Scots Greys heavy cavalry in one of the first stages of the battle which broke the backs of the first advancing French columns but were almost obliterated by a counter-charge from enemy French lancers.
In a sodden, water-logged valley, pretty and yet unremarkable in almost every
respect, a battle was fought the significance of which has resonated across Europe to this very day. Waterloo. The slaughter wrought on 18 th June 1815 was brutal.
Over 55,000 men had died or been wounded in an area of land just over 3 miles
squared and the sheer concentration of the carnage is one of the features that make
Waterloo such a remarkably bloody battle.
15
Now, it may come across as tiresome and a tad patronising, when yet another
anniversary comes along which is apparently of tremendous importance in some
way or another. Once again, you feel obliged to mask anniversary fatigue with an
expression of utmost humility, engaging yourself in an unofficial competition
with your neighbours over who can appear the most respectful, like siblings in a
battle of evening etiquette. However, Waterloo is special. In less than a day, a
Duke was glorified and the almost ethereal image of an Emperor shattered. The
fruits of a French fiefdom were reaped, the seeds of a German Reich sown.
According to the late Professor Richard Holmes, Waterloo “ended the most
powerful European Empire since the Romans” and made possible almost a
century of peace in Europe, while Professor Jeremy Black summarises the
Napoleonic Wars as “the struggle against the unreason of tyranny” with Waterloo
the keystone to a century of peace and liberal capitalism to Europe. To what
extent one agrees with this analysis is up for debate, but the broad consensus on
Waterloo from both sides of the Channel is that its geopolitical significance
provided relatively long-term stability on the continent. Britain emerged from the
morning mist of the battlefield the next day once again as the dominant power,
This oil painting by William Sadler effectively captures how concentrated and brutal the fighting was in the valley .
16
its world hegemony secure until the resurgent unified Germany of the early 20 th
century.
Of course the most significant short-term consequence of Waterloo was the
demise of Napoleon. Despite fighting a surprisingly effective and brilliant
defensive campaign in the latter stages of 1815 against the cumbersome advance
of the Prussian Marshal Blucher into France following the defeat at Waterloo, the
Allied armies eventually reached Paris and against Napoleon’s will an armistice
was signed. The Napoleonic Wars were finally ended and Napoleon surrendered to the British frigate HMS Bellerophon on 15 th July 1815. He died on the solitary
island colony of St Helena in the South Atlantic in 1821.
However, the critical long-term legacy of the battle was the establishment of the
Concert of Europe, an agreement by all of the major European powers in the
‘Quadruple Alliance’ ratified at the same time as the Treaty of Paris in November
1815 to find diplomatic and collective solutions rather than use violence or
coercion to resolve potential major disputes. Comparable to the purpose of the
United Nations 130 years later, the Concert of Europe’s primary goal was to avoid
another catastrophic war similar to the Napoleonic Wars which had decimated
continental Europe, unlike any previous conflict with a staggering 9 million
people estimated to have died between 1792 and 1815. Masterminded by the
British foreign secretary Viscount Castlereagh, this laid the foundations for
international cooperation being used as a blueprint for later international treaties,
and helped maintain relative peace in Europe for almost the next century.
One of the fiercest controversies surrounding the “Clash of the Titans” on 18 th
June 1815 is who is responsible for victory. It is always amusing to stand on the
touchline of the debate and observe increasingly nationalistic points being scored
between the French and the Brits, or between the Brits and the Germans as to who
17
deserves the bigger share of the pie at Waterloo. To summarise, the
Germanophiles declare that Marshal Blucher was the kingmaker and that
Wellington was the cannon fodder, while the Anglophiles proclaim that the
Prussians were late to the party and missed their slice of the cake. The
Francophiles then wade into the debate declaring, in a characteristically
conclusive fashion, that the battle was unfair or a conspiracy with some secret
agenda and that Napoleon was the true victor. If you haven’t noticed, I say this
all with slight ‘tongue-in-cheek’. Many sound historians and academics have
debated the topic using perfectly reasonable arguments and as much as I’d like it
to be, this article will not cover the age old question of who should claim the
credit in extensive detail.
A battalion of the King’s German Legion fighting to defend the farmhouse La Haye Saint from the French
Succinctly, I would put it this way: the British Army successfully held its own
against Napoleon’s forces (almost evenly matched in infantry but heavily
18
outnumbered in artillery and cavalry regiments 1 ) for long enough so that the
Prussians could arrive and ensure victory was inevitable (please do forgive me
for my Whiggishness). Wellington could at the very best have won a pyrrhic
victory had he not had the delayed support of the Prussians. This is supported by
the Duke of Wellington’s own personal report of proceedings to the Prime
Minister where he acknowledges that the battle was won so decisively due to the
“cordial and timely assistance…[he]…received from [the Prussians]”. This is
because the sheer number of men lost would have been astronomically greater
with the addition of Marshal Grouchy’s 30,000 troops to the battle which had
successfully been tied down by Prussian Lieutenant General von Thielmann
following the previous Prussian defeat at Ligny the day before. In fact, even with belated Prussian support, British losses were devastating 2 .
However, one also must recognise the multinational composition of the British
Army at Waterloo when considering which player should be given most credit
for victory. Just forty-nine per cent of
Wellington’s troops were from the British
Army of which 8 battalions were from the
King’s German Legion, infantry largely
recruited from the German State of Hanover.
Other Hanoverian troops accounted for a
sizeable twenty-one per cent of the infantry
with Dutch, Belgian, Brunswick, and Nassau
troops accounting for the rest. Overall, the
majority of Wellington’s Anglo-Allied army
spoke languages other than English,
Duke of Wellington
1 Napoleon had 90 more pieces of ordnance and roughly 2,350 more cavalrymen. 2 Of the 53,800 men Wellington had available at the start of the battle, over 15,000 ended up as casualties.
19
(predominantly German) and so in this context, the victory at Waterloo was a
victory won by superior British generalship and discipline which effectively
harnessed the courage and enthusiasm of mostly inexperienced German and
Dutch-Belgian troops. This breakwater held on long enough against the tide of
French blue until sufficient Prussian support arrived to extinguish Napoleon’s fire
for renewed European conquest.
For me, Waterloo perches rather awkwardly on my imaginary shelf of key
historical battles. In many ways, it certainly was a glorious finale to the arguably
18 year long war against French territorial aggression. In my nostalgic, and
probably archaic eyes, the most admirable element of the battle was that it was
the last major battle to be fought for glory. Yes, Napoleon had hoped to be
victorious. Yes, he did want to re-establish French dominion over Europe. Yes,
he wanted to regain influence
over his many political enemies
in Paris through a decisive
military victory. But ultimately,
even he must have recognised
how dire his situation was before
crossing the Belgian border. Had
he crushed the Prussians
(130,000 troops), and mauled
the British (112,000 troops), he
still would have faced a vengeful
200,000 strong Russian Army,
and a 210,000 strong Austrian
Army advancing from the East.
Bearing in mind that Napoleon’s
Napoleon
Army of the North numbered
20
just 128,000, having to defeat every single one of those armies united or separated
would have been practically impossible and ultimate defeat was (to again coin
that hated word) inevitable. But that to me is what makes Waterloo so glorious.
Napoleon and his Marshals were aware of this predicament and yet still went into
battle committed and proud. This was a mighty showdown between an undefeated
British Field Marshal and a small Corsican ex-artillery sergeant who had cowed
the major powers of Europe.
But this is where my disappointment comes in. In what should have been his
finest display of brilliance, Napoleon’s strategic decisions were generic and
predictable. Wellington expressed a similar sense of regret in a letter to a comrade
following the battle saying “Napoleon did not manoeuvre at all. He just moved
forward in the old style.” There was none of the energy and spirit of a Napoleon
which had outwitted and obliterated two Emperors at Austerlitz (1805), or the
Napoleon who had steamrolled over the Austrians in the Italian Campaign (1794).
As much as I love Napoleon for the great historical and military figure he is, at
Waterloo he disappointed me. Wellington defeated him in the same way he had
beaten back all his other marshals – through the steady clockwork volleys of
redcoats. Nevertheless, let’s celebrate a British victory and let’s celebrate a
German victory, but let’s also not forget to pay tribute to a small Corsican artillery
sergeant who went down fighting and proud after his crusade to spread the liberal values of Revolutionary France across Europe at this year’s 200 th anniversary of
the Battle of Waterloo.
Note: I am greatly indebted to the fantastic Osprey book “Waterloo: The Decisive Victory – 200 th Anniversary Edition” edited by Colonel Nick Lipscombe but is a collaborative effort by
all the leading Napoleonic experts to establish what truly occurred at Waterloo. If any of you
are interested, a copy is available in the Wodehouse Library.
21
1945: The End of the Second World War
Rollo Collins
The Second World War, the Pacific War or the Great Patriotic War inflicted the
highest human, economic and political costs of any war to date. The Second
World War is remembered because the six yearlong conflict eventually spanned
the globe, due to Hitler’s excessive expansionism and Prime Minister Tojo’s
opportunistic territorial seizure. Thus, this conflict is of global concern and still
holds significance, 70 years on. Moreover, the year 1945 is one to be remembered
as it not only brought a formal end to this conflict but also contained some of the
war's bloodiest battles, from the Battle of Berlin to the Battle of Luzon and the
Battle of Okinawa. From January to September of 1945, there were 298,714
causalities covering various different campaigns in certain different areas of the
world.
Battle of Okinawa (1st April, 1945)
22
The year 1945 and the end of the Second World War also brought about major
global change, for instance, the formation of the United Nations. The creation of
the UN was a direct consequence of the end of the war, as the “Big Three” wanted
to prevent another global, disastrous conflict through creating a new, revised
intergovernmental organisation out of the shell of the old League of Nations. The
formation of the UN is an incredibly crucial part of today’s world as it has
developed women's rights, cracked down on global hunger and has prevent major
conflicts from spreading into another worldwide ordeal. Therefore, the end of the
Second World War must be commemorated for this.
Announcement of V-E Day - Times Square/NYC (May 8th, 1945)
23
The need for the UN was
debated during the Yalta
Conference (in February
1945), prior to the end of
the Second World War.
This conference, coupled
with
the
Potsdam
Conference in July, 1945,
reshaped not only the
world’s borders but also
The signing of the UN Charter, 26 th June, 1945
the alliances within them.
This is because Germany, post-liberation, was to be split into four zones, later
establishing East and West Germany. Furthermore, the Potsdam Conference saw
division within the Big Three for the first time throughout the war and thus set in
motion the Cold War, officially spanning from 1946 to 1991. Therefore, the end
of the Second World War has had an incredible impact on today's way of life as
it fundamentally changed the societies and cultures of those living in post-war
Europe and the world. Along with this, it led to various other brutal, ideologically
driven conflicts such as the Korean War and the Vietnam War.
Victory in 1945 changed the way conventional wars were to be fought through
the introduction of nuclear weapons. The bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
remain the only use of nuclear weapons against any enemy force or nation.
Between 60,000 and 80,000 people died instantly and a further 55,000 people
died between August 6 and December 1945 due to radiation. This act of merciless
aggression is incredibly significant as it not only prevented further American
casualties but also ended the war. The ‘Dawn of the Atomic Age’ not only
changed the way in which conflicts were to be fought, but it also threw the world
into a state of constant fear of the unknown. Despite only being used twice in
24
human history, the atomic bomb has shaped societies of the modern world beyond
belief and therefore the year 1945 and consequently the end of the Second World
War should be commemorated.
Finally, the end of the Second World War and the year 1945 saw the beginning
of the end for both the French and British Empires. Primarily due to the rise in
national pride amongst the colonies and increasing debt across the Empire, the
process of decolonisation was a direct consequence of the end of the Second
World War as the once high and mighty European empires lay in tatters. This is
incredibly significant as it saw the replacement of the two main superpowers
since the early 18th century, Britain and France being replaced by the U.S. and
the USSR.
Therefore, although 70 years on, the victory over the Axis Powers in 1945 should
be celebrated and commemorated because it brought about great social and
political change, as well as years of further oppression and censorship under the
Eastern Bloc. Along with this, the year 1945 itself should always be remembered
as it not only brought about social change throughout the world but also that of a
political nature. From the formation of the UN in 1945 to the election of Clement
Attlee in Britain. Additionally, the Second World War led to the redevelopment
and cultural rebranding of various European countries due to the sheer destruction
of cultural institutions and ways of life. Thus, it is ever more important as the
commemoration of such an event may help prevent another such atrocity from
happening again.
25
The 50th Anniversary of the death of Sir Winston Churchill.
Tohid Ismail
On the night of his 1945 election loss, Churchill’s doctor Lord Moran
commiserated with him on the “ingratitude” of the British public, to which
Churchill replied “I wouldn't call it that. They have had a very hard time.”
Winston Churchill was born in 1874 in the aristocratic household of the Dukes of
Marlborough, part of the Spencer Family; his father, Lord Randolph Churchill
had served as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Having attended Harrow School,
where Churchill was known for being mischievous and troublesome, he joined
Sandhurst Royal Military College, after finding education was not ‘his cup of
tea’. He was eventually posted in British India and often wrote for newspapers
back home in Britain, portraying his love for the English language and
journalism, which he had developed since his lonely days at Harrow, where he
tirelessly sent letters to his mother, who seldom replied and starved him of
maternal love. Indeed, he felt that because his father had died young, so would
he, and thus wanted to waste little time in making an impact on the world.
Sir Winston Churchill
26
There are many theories as to why Churchill lost the general election of 1945.
Something that shocked me greatly, however, was the fact that, despite no major
parties contesting his constituency in Essex out of a sense of respect for their war-
time Prime Minister, an independent candidate managed to reduce by thousands
Churchill’s unassailable majority. The election as a whole was a huge loss for the
Conservatives, losing 190 seats, with Labour’s Clement Attlee leading the Labour
Party to victory, gaining more than 239 seats and, thereafter, fundamentally
changing the face of modern Britain.
This loss was a personal blow for Churchill;
he had expected to win and he had expected
to win without a fight; but it was Attlee’s
promise of a welfare state that the voters
found attractive and voted for in large
numbers. Many historians believe that as the
voters ticked Labour on the ballot papers,
very few expected that the outcome would
really result in what looked like a great
betrayal against a hero. Perhaps it was as if
they wanted the policies promised by Labour,
Clement Attlee
but retain the leadership of their great Prime
Minister Churchill.
However, Churchill did not hand over power of the party to his deputy, Eden, but
rather carried on as leader of the Conservative Party after the election – and
nobody dared to challenge him. He made the famous ‘Iron Curtain’ speech in the
USA in 1946 and despite losing yet another election in 1950, he continued as
leader of the opposition until 1951, when he began his final term in office,
eventually retiring in 1955 due to a series of strokes. He also suffered from
27
depression, his ‘Black
Dog’, and spent his later
years at his home in
Chartwell,
Kent,
declining an offer of a
Dukedom from the Queen
due to his son not wanting
to inherit the title (out of
deference to the wishes of
his son, who harboured
Chartwell
dreams, never to be
realised, of carrying on
the family mantle, and following his father into the Commons). It was here that
in his final years, Churchill did what he most loved, painting, and suffered at the age of 90 a stroke from which he never recovered. His funeral on 30 th January
1965 was the largest state funeral in history at the time and was attended, contrary
to custom, by the monarch Queen Elizabeth II.
Churchill was one of the very few people that we can truly say, along with figures
such as Wellington, Disraeli, Gladstone and Lady Thatcher, shaped the Britain as
we know it today. He saved us from the evils of Nazism and raised the morale of
British people with his oratory and courage during the darkest periods of our
history. He was a person who gave Britain a glimmer of light when there was
only darkness, the British Bulldog who came to represent the resilience and
determination of the British people and British identity itself. One could argue
that Churchill, despite being a politician, was one of the few that was beyond
politics; an icon and hero whose smile, cigar and memory should be and is,
entrenched in British history.
28
Selma, 1965: Defining Democracy
Marcus Köttering
2015 saw the release of a stirring new film entitled ‘ Selma’, recounting the
greatest campaign of Martin Luther King’s career, which had taken place fifty
years previously. It is a film I would highly recommend, not only as it remains
faithful to historical fact, but also because it captures the struggle which so many
activists endured on their journey as followers of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. An
important question which historians must tackle is why King and his organisation,
the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), decided to choose the
small Southern town of Selma, Alabama, to host one of the most crucial
campaigns of the Civil Rights Movement.
To begin with, for King, Selma was the
“symbol of white resistance”, situated at
the heart of the Southern United States
where the Movement had been
experiencing its strongest opposition.
This tension had existed in America
since the end of the Civil War and the
Emancipation Proclamation in 1863
which freed the vast majority of the
enslaved African-American population
of the United States. For many living in
the Southern States at the time, racial
segregation had formed a vital part of
the Southern ‘way of life’, and was legal
permitted under the Jim Crow laws, enforced since the 1890s. As the Civil Rights
Movement had been developing across the late 1950s and early 1960s with
29
success, Southern America had reacted through a hard-line opposition. This was
exercised through organisations such as the White Citizens’ Council which came
to represent what King called the “Southern white power structure”, as well as
the Southern Manifesto which was signed by 101 politicians in 1956, outlining
arguments against racial integration.
Furthermore, the Sheriff of Selma, Jim Clark, was well-known for his intolerant
and aggressive policing tactics, much like Eugene ‘Bull’ Connor who led the
shocking police aggression against activists in Birmingham in 1963. In that case,
the media images of innocent African-American children being targeted by fire
hoses and police dogs had struck a chord with many American voters and had
encouraged much support for the Movement. King hoped that similar tactics
would also work in his favour with Jim Clark in Selma. Additionally, the Student
Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee (SNCC) had been losing funds on a voting
rights campaign which they had tested in Selma. Since the Civil Rights Act of
1964 had earned the Movement its greatest legislative victory for the issue of
segregation, many of the Movement’s leaders turned to voting rights as the next
greatest issue.
The situation in Selma in 1965 in terms of racial inequality was also staggering.
A white man living in Selma would earn on average four times that of his African-
American counterpart. Despite an African-American population making up 57%
of the total, only 335 out of more than 15,000 African-Americans were registered
to vote, and from them, a mere 23 had voted in the previous election as a result
of threats from the white community against African-American voting. The town
even had a separate newspaper for African-Americans.
So having arrived in Selma, what did King and the SCLC do to eventually change
the nature structure of American political participation forever? The first thing
30
King did was to deliver a speech on 2 nd January at the Brown Chapel A.M.E.
Church outlining his concerns for the people of Selma and his desire to being
campaigning for voting rights. Following this, King began to organise protest
marches headed for the courthouse where African-Americans would be
encouraged to register to vote. They were often met with considerable opposition
force, especially by Jim Clark, who would ensure inconvenient opening hours of
the registrar’s offices and personally guarded the entrances to the building. At
one point, as depicted in the film, Jim Clark physically assaulted an elderly lady
named Annie Lee Cooper who retaliated by knocking him to his knees. This
helped bring media attention to the campaign from across the nation, whilst King
also attempted to draw the attention of the federal government as well. He called
the recently elected President Lyndon B. Johnson and they agreed that voting
rights would be the next course of action for the Movement. However, in his
inaugural address, Johnson did not mention voting rights.
King kicks off a voter registration drive at the Dallas County
Courthouse in Selma, Alabama, on 18 th January, 1965.
King continued his campaign and was soon arrested by authorities and jailed for
refusing to pay bond charges. This sparked a reaction by the leader of the Black
Nationalist Movement, Malcolm X, who returned to Selma to confront the white
31
segregationist population with aggression. Soon King was released by payment
from his wife, and the marches began to spread to nearby town. In one such town,
called Marion, a march had taken place following the trial of an activist named
James Orange. The march was met with resistance by Alabama state troopers.
One activist, Jimmy Lee Jackson, fled alongside many others, including his own
mother. They found refuge at a nearby café, but were chased by troopers and
Jackson was shot a point-blank range to eventually die in the arms of his mother.
With emotions running high, the SCLC and SNCC decided to hold a meeting at
the Zion United Methodist Church, where they decided the best course of action
would be to march 54 miles from Selma to Montgomery, the capital of Alabama,
where they would directly demand action from Alabama’s Governor George
Wallace; a notorious segregationist. On hearing news that a march of such kind
was due to take place, Governor Wallace denounced its legality and ordered
police to prevent its occurrence, taking “whatever measures are necessary.”
Martin Luther King Jr. arrives in Montgomery on 25 th March, 1965
32
On 7 th March, 600 marchers were led by John Lewis of SNCC onto the Edmund
Pettus Bridge in Selma. There they were met by a line of state troopers carrying
barbed wire, police batons and sitting on horseback. After refusing requests made
by the leaders to the march to engage in peaceful discussion, the police began to
attack the participants and release cans of tear-gas, in an event which became
known as “Bloody Sunday” and was broadcasted on television across the entire
country.
Clouds of tear gas fill the air as state troopers, ordered by Governor George
Wallace, break up a demonstration march in Selma on what became known as
"Bloody Sunday.”
The SCLC’s next move was to ask for a court order from the Federal District
Court that would prohibit police intervention into the march; however, the Court
reacted instead by issuing a restraining order which prevented the march from legally taking place until a hearing could take place. By 9 th March, many activists
were becoming impatient with the lack of actions, so a second march was called.
In what became known as “Turnaround Tuesday”, King led about 2,500 marchers
33